## How Much Does the World Work?

## Source details

**Canonical URL:** [How Much Does the World Work?](https://www.imf.org/en/publications/fandd/issues/2026/06/how-much-does-the-world-work-amory-gethin)

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## Bibliographic details
- Authors: AMORY GETHIN, Emmanuel Saez
- Published: June 2, 2026

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### Main claim
- Economic development does not mechanically shorten the workweek for prime-age adults; instead, social policies determine the organization of work.
- The organization of work reflects a complex interplay of cultural and social choices encoded in public policies, including labor law, taxation, education, and retirement benefits.

### Data and methods (global dataset)
- New global dataset covers nearly the entire world population and includes almost every labor force survey ever fielded in the world.
- Main sources: household surveys fielded by statistical institutes and compiled by the International Labour Organization and the World Bank; supplemented with other international and country-specific surveys.
- Coverage: 160 countries representing 97 percent of the world’s population.
- Time series span more than 20 years in 86 countries.
- Measurement convention: weekly hours worked in all jobs that contribute to economic production; includes unpaid agricultural work; excludes unpaid home services such as cleaning, cooking, and caring for children or elderly family members.

### Key global statistics and patterns
- 59 percent of adults ages 15 and older are employed.
- Those with jobs work 43 hours a week on average.
- Average adult worldwide—including those without employment—works about 25 hours each week.
- Working hours follow a pronounced life-cycle pattern: lowest among teenagers, rise steeply during early adulthood, peak in prime working years, and fall sharply after age 60.
- Men provide roughly two-thirds of total worldwide working hours; women account for just one-third.
- Disparities in total hours arise primarily from differences in employment rates rather than differences in hours among those already employed.

### Development and working hours
- Hours worked per adult follow a mild bell-shaped relationship with income per capita: lowest in poor and rich countries and highest in middle-income economies.
- Income levels explain only a small fraction of global variations in working hours.
- Examples of variation: some of the lowest working times found in France, South Africa, and Afghanistan; some of the highest in Madagascar, Vietnam, and China.
- The bell-shaped relationship is driven by hours per worker rather than employment rates.
- In middle-income countries such as India and Pakistan, working time for those with jobs exceeds 45 hours a week.
- Structural transformation: expansion of manufacturing and services in emerging market economies coincides with intense labor demand and long working hours; in high-income countries, stronger regulations, greater formalization, and shifting social norms gradually reduce weekly work time.
- Major exceptions exist (e.g., long hours in the United States and Singapore); development expands capacity and productivity but does not mechanically dictate hours worked.

### Young and old
- Working time among young and elderly populations declines sharply as countries develop, driven primarily by institutional change rather than rising wealth alone.
- For young people: expanding school attendance reduces work hours as adolescents shift from working to studying.
- For older adults: development of public pension systems allows retirement without severe income loss, reducing working time.
- Once schooling and pension coverage are accounted for, national income no longer predicts working hours for young and elderly groups.

### Gender reshuffling among prime-age adults (ages 20–59)
- Total prime-age working time has been remarkably stable across development levels and over long historical periods.
- United States example: average prime-age hours, including those without jobs, were about 30 a week in 1900—virtually identical to today.
- Stability observed across western Europe, Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa, and many parts of Asia, with the Great Depression as a notable exception (sharp drop).
- Underlying this stability is a reorganization by gender:
  - Male working hours decline with development (decline in hours on the job).
  - Female hours in paying jobs increase with development (rising employment rates as barriers fall).
  - In many regions, these forces offset each other, leaving total prime-age labor stable while reducing gender inequalities in working time.

### Taxes, regulations, and institutional drivers
- Many high-development countries show reduced working hours linked to the development of welfare states and labor market institutions.
- Cross-country correlation: higher labor taxes correlate with fewer working hours; low-tax countries such as India tend to record longer hours, high-tax countries such as France work considerably less.
- Conditional analysis: after accounting for labor regulations and expansion of formal employment, the direct effect of taxes on working hours disappears.
- Stronger regulation of working time and broader coverage of formal labor contracts appear to be the primary drivers of reduced hours at high levels of development.
- Policy levers shaping hours worked include limits on maximum working hours, overtime rules, paid leave, and retirement systems.

### Policy implications and interpretation
- Reduced hours reflect policy choices about how work should be organized, not simply individual responses to incentives.
- The balance between work and leisure is a collective negotiation embedded in institutions, labor laws, and social expectations.
- Policymakers should view working-time patterns as outcomes of public policy decisions (education, pensions, labor regulation, taxation, formalization), not as automatic consequences of rising income.

*AMORY GETHIN and EMMANUEL SAEZ, F&D Magazine, June 2026.*

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_Source: https://www.imf.org/en/publications/fandd/issues/2026/06/how-much-does-the-world-work-amory-gethin_
