The COVID-19 pandemic’s toll on economic activity in recent months is only
the beginning of the story. While the rapid and unprecedented collapse of
production, trade, and employment may be reversed as the pandemic eases,
historical data suggest that long-term economic consequences could persist
for a generation or more.
Among these are a prolonged period of depressed real interest rates—akin to
secular stagnation—that may linger for two decades or more. Still, one
piece of good news is that these sustained periods of low borrowing costs
are associated with higher real wages and create ample room for governments
to finance stimulus measures to counteract economic damage caused by the
pandemic.
Research on the economic fallout of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has so
far naturally focused on the short-term impacts from mitigation and
containment strategies. However, as governments engage in large-scale
counter-pandemic fiscal programs, it is important to understand what the
economic landscape will look like in the years and decades to come. That
landscape will shape monetary and fiscal policy in ways that are not yet
fully understood.
A look at previous pandemics, going back to the Black Death in the 1300s,
can help fill this gap by shedding light on their medium- to long-term
economic effects. In extrapolating from historical trends, though, it’s
important to note one crucial distinction. Past pandemics such as the Black
Death occurred at times when virtually no one survived to old age. With
today’s longer life spans, perhaps this time may be different: COVID-19
mortality appears to disproportionately affect the elderly, who typically
no longer participate in the labor force and tend to save more than the
young.
Pandemics and macroeconomics
Historical studies have typically focused on one event, in one country or
region, and have traced local outcomes a decade at most. But in large-scale
pandemics, effects will be felt across whole economies, or across wider
regions, for two reasons: either because the infection itself is widespread
or because trade and market integration eventually propagate the economic
shock across the map.
In a new paper, Jordà, Singh, and Taylor (2020), we take a global view of
the macroeconomic consequences of pandemics across a number of European
economies. We focus on the aftermath of 15 large pandemic events with at
least 100,000 deaths, which are listed in the table.
Using newly available data on yields of long-term sovereign debt stretching
back to the 14th century (Schmelzing 2020), we estimate the response of a
so-called real (after-inflation) natural rate of interest in Europe
following a major pandemic. In what follows, we refer simply to the
“natural rate.”
Economists speak of the natural, or neutral, rate of interest as the
equilibrium level that would keep the economy growing at its potential rate
with stable inflation. In the long run, the relative demand and supply of
loanable funds by savers and borrowers determine the natural rate.
The natural rate is an important economic barometer. For example, as
populations become more frugal, the relative supply of savings increases;
when the underlying pace of growth wanes, investment becomes less
attractive—in both cases, the natural rate declines to restore equilibrium.
As shown in Chart 1, pandemics have long-lasting effects on interest rates.
Following a pandemic, the response of the natural rate of interest is
tilted down by nearly 1.5 percentage points about 20 years later. For
perspective, that decline is comparable to what we have experienced from
the mid-1980s to today. We also find that it takes an additional 20 years
for the natural rate to return to its original level.
Staggering findings
These results are staggering and speak to the large economic effects
pandemics have had over the centuries. It is well known that after major
recessions caused by financial crises, real safe rates—which are closely
tied to the natural rate—can be depressed for 5 to 10 years (Jordà,
Schularick, and Taylor 2013), but the persistence of the responses here is
even more pronounced.
The evidence presented in Chart 1 is consistent with the well-known
neoclassical growth model. Loss of labor without parallel destruction of
capital leads to a rebalancing of the relative returns to labor and
capital. The resulting drop in interest rates may also be amplified by
increased saving by pandemic survivors—they may simply wish to rebuild
their wealth or may just be more frugal out of caution.
If this explanation is correct, we should see a very different pattern
following a quite different type of historical event that also leads to
massive loss of life: war. Unlike pandemics, major armed conflicts also
result in destruction of crops, land, structures, and machinery: in other
words, the loss of capital.
To explore further, we extended our initial estimates to include major wars
that resulted in large loss of life (and large loss of land, structures,
and other traditional forms of capital). The results could not be clearer.
In wars, the relative loss of capital to labor tilts the interest rate
response up, not down, as Chart 1 also shows. Wars tend to leave real
interest rates elevated for 30 to 40 years, and in an economically (and
statistically) significant way.
If the neoclassical mechanism is correct, there is another dimension where
the effects of pandemics should be visible. As the labor-to-capital ratio
declines, the natural rate should decline but real wages should increase.
Chart 2 shows the response of the real wage to pandemics; it rises
gradually so that, 40 years out, the real wage is about 10 percent higher.
This pattern is thus consistent with the logic of the neoclassical growth
model.
Net result
The great historical pandemics of the past millennium have typically been
associated with subsequent low returns on assets. Measured by deviations in
the natural rate of interest, these responses indicate that pandemics are
followed by sustained periods—over multiple decades—with depressed real
interest rates. This may reflect a lack of needed investment (because of
excess capital per unit of surviving labor), an increased desire to save
(out of caution, greater uncertainty, or a desire to rebuild depleted
wealth), or both.
If the historical trends we have highlighted play out similarly in the wake
of COVID-19, then secular stagnation (Summers 2014) would be a concern for
monetary and fiscal stabilization policy for the next two decades or more.
But should we expect declines of 1.5 percent to 2 percent in the natural
rate this time? There are at least three factors that will likely attenuate
the decline of the natural rate.
First, the death toll of COVID-19 relative to the total population could be
smaller than that of some of the major pandemics of the past, if modern
medical care and public health measures are more effective.
Second, COVID-19 affects primarily the elderly, who are no longer in the
labor force and tend to save relatively more than the young—a big
difference from past centuries, when people had shorter life expectancies.
Third, aggressive counter-pandemic fiscal expansion will further boost
public debt, reducing the national saving rate and possibly putting upward
pressure on real interest rates.
On net, we still expect a sustained period of low real interest rates
(though attenuated by the factors we discussed). Low real rates should then
provide welcome fiscal space for governments to aggressively mitigate the
consequences of the pandemic.