Active versus passive globalizers
In a zero-sum trading landscape, more and more countries are vying for the
same market. Only the most competitive—those with strong economic
fundamentals and policy frameworks and diversified sources of growth—are
likely to expand and sustain the growth of their share of global trade.
These "active globalizers" are arguably the best positioned to mitigate the
risks associated with global economic and financial integration and
therefore to take full advantage of the benefits of globalization. The
least competitive economies have been "passive globalizers," or impotent
victims of globalization that have consistently acted as feedstock,
supplying the raw materials and natural resources required to expand
manufacturing output in more actively globalizing nations (Fofack,
forthcoming).
Not surprisingly, passive globalizers have been more vulnerable to the
risks of globalization. These include faster global transmission of
negative shocks, swings in commodity prices, long-term deterioration in the
commodity terms of trade, and lower global demand triggered by either
creeping protectionism or synchronized downturns. These risks have stifled
the aspirations of lagging nations, most of which have found themselves
locked into vicious cycles of excess growth volatility and structural
balance-of-payments crises. This perhaps suggests wide-ranging
macroeconomic implications of competitiveness.
Competitiveness goes hand in hand with trade performance, and therefore
with economic growth. And the largest single determinant of GDP growth in
both developed and developing economies is innovation. Africa’s
fastest-growing economies are also making the greatest strides toward
diversification of exports. The degree of innovation and efficiency in
production processes may well be the fault line between developed and
developing economies, as well as between active and passive globalizers.
Africa faces a host of hurdles to competitiveness and trade. Steps to
improve the economic infrastructure and reforms to boost innovation have
been stifled by institutional resistance and heavy costs associated with
infrastructure development and technological catch-up. Progress has been
equally slow on efficiency-driven competitiveness factors—technological
readiness, market size, and efficiency of goods and labor markets. In
addition, market fragmentation has held back growth by discouraging
large-scale and long-term investment.
Despite lower import duty within the continent’s various regional economic
communities, a range of nontariff and regulatory barriers continues to
raise transaction costs and limit the movement of goods, services, labor,
and capital across borders. These barriers include border delays,
burdensome customs and inspection procedures, multiple licensing
requirements, and increasingly the requirement that importers secure
national transit bonds along key routes. Trading across borders in Africa
is still more costly and time-consuming than in any other region of the
world—and African countries trade more with the rest of the world than with
each other.
The average cost of importing a container in Africa is about $2,492
compared with $935 in East Asia and the Pacific and $1,488 in Latin America
and the Caribbean (Brenton and Isik 2012). Not surprisingly, intraregional
trade, though on the rise, is still relatively rare, accounting for only
about 15 percent of total African trade, compared with 68 percent in Europe
and 58 percent in Asia (Fofack, forthcoming; Afreximbank 2018). In addition
to nontariff barriers, the state of governance, the structure of
production, the direction of trade inherited from the colonial model of
resource extraction, and supply-side constraints are at play. Supply-side
constraints include a low manufacturing base, costly trade financing,
limited access to information, and trade-enabling infrastructure that is
either lacking or costly.
The process of defragmenting Africa under the AfCFTA is therefore the first
step toward boosting competitiveness and integrating African economies into
the global economy as active globalizers. The continental free trade area
will establish a market of 1.2 billion people with a combined GDP of $2.5
trillion and combined consumer and business spending of more than $4
trillion. Basic simulations that assume expanded and increased efficiency
of goods and labor markets under the AfCFTA point to a significant increase
in Africa’s overall ranking on the Global Competitiveness Index in both the
short and the medium term.
Over the long term, the average ranking for Africa could rise even further.
This could happen if the continental free trade area begets a more dynamic
trade and economic environment that expands manufacturing bases, sustains
the growth of agro-processing industries fit for value chain integration,
and accelerates the development and integration of financial markets. Such
financial progress could, for instance, enable cross-listing of firms in
different stock markets and promote the development of nonbank financing
and the establishment of credit reference bureaus to reduce information
asymmetry and credit risk. Ultimately, these measures could ease access to
credit in a region where more shallow financial intermediation and
fragmented financial markets have put the kibosh on competitiveness and
private sector growth.
Establishing one of the largest free trade areas in the world could boost
competitiveness through other channels as well: technology transfer,
industrial development, diversification of sources of growth, and expansion
of intra-African trade. A recent review of the African competitiveness
landscape blames limited progress in these areas for stalled productivity
growth and competitiveness and singles out relatively low regional trade
and integration as a major bottleneck (WEF 2017). The same review also
highlights overlapping regional economic communities as a major constraint
to the kind of business-friendly environment entrepreneurs need to take
advantage of growth opportunities.
Preliminary estimates of the expected benefits of the AfCFTA, in terms of
trade performance and regional integration, are positive and significant.
The United Nations Economic Commission for Africa estimates that
intra-African trade, largely dominated by industrial products and
manufactured goods, could increase by more than 50 percent and even double
about a decade into the implementation of the AfCFTA, if the envisioned
reforms are fully carried out and complemented by robust trade facilitation
measures.
The requirement that participating countries remove tariffs on at least 90
percent of goods would drive this increase. Economies of scale as a result
of a larger continental market could lower overall production costs, which
remain very high; stimulate cross-border trade and investment within
Africa; and attract additional foreign direct investment to the region
while also shifting it toward the production of industrial and manufactured
goods. This would boost intraregional trade in intermediate and capital
goods. Attendant benefits include technology transfer and development of
regional value chains in which African businesses add value as they turn
raw materials into finished goods.